Site menu:

Subscribe to email updates

Links:

African Americans and the American War for Independence

by on January 8, 2013


Today’s post is by Dr. Greg Bradsher.

Englishman Nicholas Cresswell, during July 1777, wrote in his journal that the American army was composed of a “ragged Banditti of undisciplined people, the scum and refuse of all nations of earth.”  Baron Curt von Stedingk, a Swedish colonel in French service, described the American army in Savannah during 1779 as being composed “almost wholly of deserters and vagabonds of all nations.”  These were somewhat exaggerated descriptions, yet at times they seemed very true and therefore concerned the revolutionary leaders.  Their ideal was a disciplined army composed of Whigs who had a stake in society.  They desired an army composed of men who shared the same cultural, political, and social background and beliefs. What was desired—mature domestic yeomen—did make up the bulk of the army surrounding Boston during the summer of 1775, but by the end of the year many of those had left the service when their enlistments terminated. Thereafter, because of the difficulty in recruiting such an army, and military necessity, many who did not share a stake in American society as they envisioned it enlisted in the patriotic forces.

The first group taken into the American military forces against the wishes of most Americans were African Americans, a people many had feared to arm.  Even though African American soldiers had demonstrated their skill and courage at Lexington and Bunker Hill, General Washington issued orders that they were not to be recruited, although those already enlisted could remain. The Continental Congress in September rejected a motion to discharge all African American soldiers, but a council of officers at Cambridge, MA, on October 8, 1775, unanimously agreed to discharge all slaves.  By a large majority, they agreed that free Blacks in service should not be reenlisted.  Washington concurred.

Late in 1775, however, because of difficulty in recruiting, Washington allowed African Americans to reenlist. Learning this, Congress informed Washington that he could continue to reenlist those who had faithfully served at the siege of Boston, but no others.  This restriction was lifted during the following years as enlistments slackened, and African Americans, including slaves, were encouraged to join both the Continental Army and the state military forces.  By the summer of 1778, there were over 750 African Americans serving in the Continental Army, and by 1780 both Rhode Island and Connecticut had all-Black companies, except for the officers.

This increasing use of African Americans did not take place without protest.  Six members of the Rhode Island Assembly opposed the decision of their body to raise Black companies, expressing the fear that the world would believe the Americans were attempting to win their rights and liberties with a band of slaves.  General Schuyler asked General Heath if it was “consistent with the Sons of Freedom to trust their all to be defended by Slaves?”  Heath agreed it was not.

Opposition to allowing African Americans to fight, as one would surmise, was greater in the southern states. One southerner wrote that arming them was “the child of a distempered imagination.”  Nevertheless, from the beginning of the war, Virginia allowed African Americans to join the militia, and South Carolina (the only southern state to do so) allowed them to be enlisted and even resorted to drafting them in 1781.

Congress, during the British invasion of South Carolina and Georgia in 1779, suggested using slaves under white commissioned and noncommissioned officers, compensating slave owners for any loss they may suffer.  Alexander Hamilton, for one, thought the plan a good one, believing slaves, having lived a life of subordination, would make good soldiers.  But he doubted that southerners would readily accept such a plan, believing “prejudice and private interest will be antagonists too powerful for public spirit and public good.”

Hamilton was correct in believing the plan would not be adopted, for as one southerner wrote after learning of it, “We are much disgusted here at the Congress recommending us to arm our Slave, it was received with great resentment, as a very dangerous and impolitic step.”  Despite the rejection of the plan, some Continental officers and civilian leaders continued to lobby for it, believing that the threat posed by a British army outweighed the danger of using slaves.

Col. John Laurens, once elected to the South Carolina legislature in 1782, raised the possibility of the state enlisting an African American regiment under his command.  This recommendation was not adopted, as “the prejudice against the measure,” according to Lewis Morris, Jr., “are so prevailing that no consideration could induce them to adopt it.”  The legislature did, however, agree to the limited use of American Americans for fatigue duty.

It has been estimated that some 5,000 African Americans served during the American War for Independence in various guises, primarily as sailors aboard privateers.  Many served in the Continental Army. A Hessian officer observed in 1777 that “no regiment is to be seen in which there are not negroes in abundance, and among them there are able-bodied, strong and brave fellows.” They served as well and with the same degree of bravery as their White contemporaries. African American Rhode Island and Virginian Continentals were reported to have made excellent soldiers and distinguished themselves in many engagements.

Freedom for most slaves serving in the military forces did not come as a result of their service. However, the American Revolution (as distinct from the American War for Independence) created a “contagion of liberty” (to borrow the chapter title from Bernard Bailyn’s Pulitzer Prize–winning The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution). The ideas espoused about freedom and liberty were found to be inconsistent with the realities of the political and social landscape of America, and calls for change arose.  As a result, changes in many facets of American life were made.  With respect to slavery, between 1777 and 1804, antislavery laws or constitutions were passed in every state north of the Ohio River and the Mason-Dixon Line.  I would like to think the recognition of the service of African Americans in the patriot cause, in addition to the “contagion of liberty,” had some role to play in the abolition of slavery, at least in the northern states.


Comments

Richard Dine January 8, 2013 at 12:38 pm

Interesting post. Two follow-up questions:
1. Do we know what % African Americans were of the fighting force through the course of the Revolution, and how that compares to their % of American society?
2. Were there examples of African Americans using their military service or expertise to secure their freedom or take revenge on their owners?

Shane Bell January 9, 2013 at 8:29 am

Excellent article. Making the distinction between the War for Independence and the concept of the American Revolution is an important one for understanding the implications of independence. Its also interesting how sectionalism became more pronounced after the revolutionary era.

Joe Becton January 11, 2013 at 2:05 pm

Very good article and perfect timing we are having the 20th Anniversary of the dedication of the Monument to the Patriots of African Descent at Valley Forge on May 18, 2013. Their is also a monument to the Rhode Island Regiment being constructed in Yorktown , West Chester County New York. As for your question about percentages (that is always a problem) but here are some numbers. In 1775 we have names for 176 Africans fighting in the First actions in Massachusetts. The number went down in 1776 as many African and Indians went into the state militia’s. In 1777 the numbers increased as the General Alexander Scamell’s list of 1778 August has 755 Africans listed but that list does not include the men of Varnum’s brigade who returned to The highland department before Scamell’s count with over 300 Africans named. Finally, it is estimated that over a thousand Africans served on the patriot side at Yorktown Virginia in 1781. That number does not include 500 Africans from the French Colonial Islands or those from New Spain ,Cuba, and Louisiana who fought at the battle of Pensacola in May 1780.
Lord Dunsmore’s Proclamation and Phyllis Wheatly’s poem both contributed to the change in Washington’s decision the allow African soldiers in the Continental Army.
In terms of fighting for freedom? Yes 12,000 to 20,000 Africans escaped to the British many taking up arms in the Ethiopian Regiment, or the Black Brigade. Men like Harry Washington a Corporal in the Black Pioneers or the famous Colonel Tye of New Jersey fought against the rebels. Many others served as servants, laundresses, manual laborers or soldiers working in the Company of Black Pioneers. Some of these folks ultimately returned to Sierra Leone Africa or migrate to Birchtown, Nova Scotia,Canada,London England and New South Wales AUS.

Archives

Categories

Tags